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26 posts from August 2024

08/31/2024

Nicholas Parrillo: Foreign Affairs, Nondelegation, and Original Meaning
Michael Ramsey

Nicholas R. Parrillo (Yale Law School) has posted Foreign Affairs, Nondelegation, and Original Meaning: Congress's Delegation of Power to Lay Embargoes in 1794 (University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Volume 172, pp. 1803-1843 (2024)) (41 pages) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

Originalist proponents of a tougher nondelegation doctrine confront the many broad delegations that Congress enacted in the 1790s by claiming that each fell into some exceptional category to which the original nondelegation doctrine was inapplicable or weakly applicable, one being foreign affairs.  There is lively debate on whether the founding generation actually recognized an exception to nondelegation principles for foreign affairs.  This Article, commissioned for a symposium on “The Statutory Foreign Affairs Presidency,” intervenes in the debate by examining the Embargo Authorization Act of 1794, which empowered the President to lay an embargo on all ships in U.S. ports (and/or other classes of ships) if “the public safety shall so require,” for the upcoming five-month congressional recess.  This was a delegation of remarkable power over the U.S. economy, which at the time depended heavily on maritime transport. 

An examination of the Act undermines the idea that there existed a foreign-affairs exception to cover it.  Originalist proponents of a tougher nondelegation doctrine claim the doctrine was meant to protect private individual rights of liberty and property, yet Americans in the late 1700s lived in an economy that was more dependent on foreign commerce than it has ever been since, in which a five-month international embargo could be disastrous for private business nationwide.  In this context, an “exception” for foreign affairs would be strange, turning economic reality on its head.  Furthermore, the Act itself flouted any objective or even workable distinction between the foreign and the domestic.  The Act’s unqualified use of the term “embargo” authorized the President to prohibit the departure of all ships, not only those sailing to foreign ports but also to other U.S. ports in the coastwise trade, which was then the main channel of U.S. domestic commerce.  And even if the President were to impose an embargo aimed mainly at international maritime trade, preventing evasion of such a restriction required regulation of the coastwise trade—regulation that contemporaries apparently understood the Act to authorize.  

This paper has some relationship with my recent paper (with Matthew Waxman) on delegating war powers.  We are also skeptical of an originalist case for a "foreign affairs exception" to nondelegation rules.

Mike Rappaport adds: This paper also has some relationship with two of my papers, but the opposite relationship that Mike Ramsey notes.  In these two papers, I defend applying a foreign affairs exception to the nondelegation doctrine.  See A Two Tiered and Categorical Approach to the Nondelegation Doctrine and The Selective Nondelegation Doctrine and Line Item Veto.  

08/30/2024

Aditya Bamzai & Saikrishna Prakash: How to Think About the Removal Power
Michael Ramsey

Recently published, in the Virginia Law Review Online, Aditya Bamzai & Saikrishna Prakash: How to Think About the Removal Power (110 Va. L. Rev. Online 159 (2024)).  Here is the abstract:

In an earlier article titled The Executive Power of Removal, we contended that Article II gives the President a constitutional power to remove executive officers, at least those who are presidentially appointed. In this Essay, we expand on, and reply to a critique of, that article. We discuss the meaning of the clause vesting “executive Power” in the President and the clause authorizing Congress to make laws “necessary and proper for carrying into Execution” the powers of the federal government. We contend that the former vests authority to remove in the President and the latter does not allow Congress to treat that allocation of authority as a default. We discuss how constitutional developments in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania—specifically, a 1784 report authored by the Council of Censors—support our understanding of the federal Constitution’s text and structure. We also discuss early practice under the federal Constitution—specifically, high-profile instances where presidents removed executive subordinates without Senate participation. These sources and episodes, along with those we discussed in our previous article, support the conclusion that the Constitution confers on the President the authority to remove presidentially appointed executive officers.

The authors' initial article is Aditya Bamzai & Saikrishna Bangalore Prakash, The Executive Power of Removal, 136 Harv. L. Rev. 1756 (2023).  The response, to which this article is in turn responding, is Andrea Scoseria Katz & Noah A. Rosenblum, Removal Rehashed, 136 Harv. L. Rev. F. 404 (2023).

And from the introduction (footnotes omitted):

In this Essay, we reply to a critique of [the authors' previous] article—Removal Rehashed by Professors Andrea Katz and Noah Rosenblum. We part ways with their analysis in several significant respects. But despite our disagreements, we are grateful for the chance to sharpen our own thinking on these issues. Just as the hammer and the anvil forge the metal, so too in the realm of intellectual discovery the critic forces the author to refine arguments that would otherwise remain untested. In that spirit, we offer this reply. We continue to believe that, although our theory is not the only one possible, it best fits text, structure, history, and early practice, and is therefore preferable to the alternatives.

In contrast to our views, Katz and Rosenblum reject altogether the notion that the Constitution confers a removal power on the President. Starting from that perspective, they advise that readers “will find little new” in our article. To be sure, if one starts from the premise, as Katz and Rosenblum do, that it is “intellectually indefensible” to believe that Article II grants a presidential removal authority, then we agree: there is nothing to see here. But for those who are more open-minded about one of the most significant (and historically, most debated) questions of the separation of powers, read on. The case for a presidential removal power is stronger than they are willing to acknowledge.

Consider, for example, one of Katz and Rosenblum’s claims about the historical pedigree of the President’s removal authority. They contend that “[t]he historian might wonder why th[e] argument [for an executive power of removal,] if once so widespread, disappeared so quickly.”  To support their claim that the argument for a removal power “disappeared so quickly,” Katz and Rosenblum rely on a quotation from a 1916 book by Frank Goodnow providing that courts “have held that [the Vesting Clause] has little if any legal effect, and that for the most part it is to be explained by the powers which are later specifically mentioned.” But Katz and Rosenblum’s use of this quotation does not properly characterize Goodnow. Two pages after the quoted language, Goodnow explained that the “practice” with respect to removal is “that the President has the power to remove arbitrarily almost all civil officers of the United States, not judges. This power has been recognized as belonging to the President as a part of the executive power granted to him.” Rather than demonstrating the “disappearance” of an “executive power of removal,” Goodnow’s 1916 book demonstrates how into the twentieth century, it was widely recognized that Article II conferred removal power on the President. Professor Goodnow once remembered what some modern historians have forgotten.

As we discuss below, this is not the only occasion where we part ways with Katz and Rosenblum’s characterization of our article or the underlying sources. ...

08/29/2024

Federal Supremacy and U.S. v. Missouri
Michael Ramsey

Via Jonathan Adler at Volokh Conspiracy, in a recent decision in U.S. v. Missouri the Eighth Circuit invalidated Missouri's  so-called gun sanctuary law as violating the supremacy clause. As Chief Judge Colloton explained for the court:

Missouri's Second Amendment Preservation Act classifies various federal laws regulating firearms as "infringements on the people's right to keep and bear arms, as guaranteed by Amendment II of the Constitution of the United States and Article I, Section 23 of the Constitution of Missouri." The Act declares that these federal laws are "invalid to this state," "shall not be recognized by this state," and "shall be specifically rejected by this state."

... The Act imposes a “duty” on “the courts and law enforcement agencies of this state to protect the rights of law-abiding citizens . . . from the infringements defined under section 1.420.” The Act also mandates that “[n]o entity or person, including any public officer or employee of this state or any political subdivision of this state, shall have the authority to enforce or attempt to enforce” a federal law that “infring[es] on the right to keep and bear arms.”

Also at Volokh Conspiracy, Ilya Somin objects that all the statute does is refuse to allow state officials to enforce federal law, which states are constitutionally entitled to do.  It shouldn't matter why the state decides to act as it does -- that is, whether it thinks federal firearms laws are unconstitutional or just bad policy -- as long as the state's actions themselves are constitutional (which they are).

I agree, but I wonder if there isn't something more fundamentally wrong with the court's conclusion.  The opinion rests on the following core proposition: 

The Supremacy Clause states that federal law is “the supreme Law of the Land, . . . any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.” U.S. Const. art. VI, cl. 2. “By this declaration, the states are
prohibited from passing any acts which shall be repugnant to a law of the United States.” McCulloch v. Maryland, 7 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 361 (1819). The “Second Amendment Preservation Act” states that certain federal laws are “invalid to this state,” Mo. Rev. Stat. § 1.430, but a State cannot invalidate federal law to itself.

That first sentence, though, is not correct. The Supremacy Clause states that federal law made in pursuance of the Constitution is “the supreme Law of the Land, . . . any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.”  Federal laws not passed in pursuance of the Constitution -- that is, unconstitutional laws -- are not part of the supreme law of the land.  (See Hamilton's discussion in Federalist 34, noting that Article VI "expressly confines this supremacy to laws made pursuant to the Constitution") (emphasis in original)). So the second sentence, quoting McCulloch, is only right if one reads it to say "the states are prohibited from passing any acts which shall be repugnant to a constitutional law of the United States."

That being so, at minimum I don't see how Missouri's law is a constitutional problem unless the federal laws it targets are in fact constitutional.  That is, I don't see how the court can resolve this case against Missouri without reaching the merits of the Second Amendment issue.  (On the merits, Missouri's law seems way too broad, but that's a different question.)

08/27/2024

Alison LaCroix: Dispatches From Amendment Valley
Michael Ramsey

Alison L. LaCroix (University of Chicago Law School) has posted Dispatches From Amendment Valley (California Law Review, forthcoming) (28 pages) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

Professor Jill Lepore’s Jorde Lecture seeks to broaden our understanding of what qualifies as constitutional debate by looking to “the philosophy of amendment.” In this essay, I offer a different account of how amendments fit into U.S. constitutional history. I argue that the six decades between the ratification of the Twelfth Amendment in 1804 and the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865 did not, as is commonly assumed, constitute a gap in national-level constitutional change. Examining the full sweep of the constitutional landscape between the War of 1812 and the Civil War shows that the Constitution was undergoing profound shifts in meaning. These inter-amendment decades overlap with the period of my recent book, The Interbellum Constitution: Union, Commerce, and Slavery in the Age of Federalisms. The central claim of the book is that the decades between 1815 and 1861 – which I call the “interbellum period” – witnessed profound constitutional transformations, especially regarding the nature of the Union. A crucial domain in which this change occurred was Congress’s power to regulate commerce among the states, with foreign nations, and with Native nations. This change occurred not through text, but through debate. Early-nineteenth-century Americans did not feel bound to accept the textual Constitution as they inherited it. By de-sacralizing our view of how early-nineteenth-century Americans understood the Constitution, we discover that they were incessantly discussing ways to amend it. Ultimately, however, they saw the text of the Constitution as a relatively unimportant site of constitutional change. Instead, they prioritized argument, oratory, and practice.

08/26/2024

Matthew Schafer on Eugene Volokh on the Press Clause
Michael Ramsey

Matthew Schafer (Paramount Global; Adjunct, Fordham University School of Law) has posted "The Press": A Response to Professor Volokh (69 pages) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

For more than a decade, Professor Eugene Volokh’s article—Freedom For The Press As An Industry, Or For The Press As A Technology? From The Framing To Today—has been recognized as the authoritative work on the meaning of press freedom at the Founding. In it, Volokh argued that the Press Clause’s reference to “the Press” meant the printing press as a technology rather than as the journalistic enterprise we recognize today. On that basis, he concluded that the Founding generation understood the Press Clause not as providing special rights for the institutional press but as securing every man’s right to use the printing press. Those in favor of a Press Clause that specially protected the press, he said, must look elsewhere than the text or history of that Clause. 

This Article calls Volokh’s into doubt. By examining his sources and reasoning, I show how he misunderstood the historical record and drew conclusions unsupported by it. Specifically, Volokh’s inquiry suffered from three problems: conceptual (defining “the Press” does not define the meaning of the Press Clause at the Founding), evidentiary (too little, too unpersuasive), and methodological (he followed none). I then explain that two premises on which Volokh based his article—that the newspaper industry at the Founding was insignificant and practiced no real journalism—are contrary to the historical record and academic consensus. Contrary to Volokh’s view that press-specific rights are a modern invention, I finally provide examples of them from the Founding era and posit that early Americans recognized such rights because they understood them ultimately to inure to the benefit of the public in the form of the news. The news, in turn, helped secure public liberty. I close by calling on Volokh to revisit his thesis.

(Via Karen Tani at Legal History Blog)

(Aside: Matthew Schafer is not my casebook co-author Matthew Schaefer.)

08/23/2024

Robert Leider: The Individual Right To Bear Arms For Common Defense
Michael Ramsey

Robert Leider (George Mason University - Antonin Scalia Law School) has posted The Individual Right To Bear Arms For Common Defense (52 pages) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

The fundamental Second Amendment debate has reached a stalemate. On the one side are those who believe that the Second Amendment secures an individual right to keep and bear arms for self-defense against crime. On the other are those who consider the right to bear arms to be a collective right to maintain a militia. But there is a third theory of the right to bear arms--a theory that was once generally agreed upon but has largely been forgotten: the right to bear arms is an individual right for common defense. This Article explains this theory and defends why it is sounder than either collective-right theories or the individual-right theories that have emerged in federal courts after Heller, which are focused exclusively on individual self-defense against crime.

08/22/2024

Thoughts on the Supreme Court's Recent Term: Originalist Convergence
Michael Ramsey

After a couple of months to think about it, I have a few thoughts on originalism and the Supreme Court's recent term.  The first is that (despite initial appearances) the term ended up with a significant degree of agreement among the originalist-oriented Justices.

In the late Spring, there was talk among commentators (including on this blog) of divergence or even chaos among the Court's originalist-oriented Justices, especially after cases like Rahimi and Elster.  Justice Gorsuch tried to combat this impression in his concurrence in Rahimi, in which he said in effect that they (the originalist-oriented Justices) had broad agreement on core principles and only differed in hard cases on applications. This did not seem too convincing at the time, especially coming in a case in which the six originalist-oriented Justices wrote five conflicting opinions.

But Gorsuch knew something the commentators did not, which was that the originalist-oriented Justices would come together in the leading originalist-oriented decisions at the very end of the term: Loper Bright, Jarkesy and Grants Pass.  (I leave aside for now Trump v. U.S. and NetChoice, neither of which were originalist-oriented opinions).  Loper Bright (holding that courts should not defer to agencies' legal interpretations) had all six in full agreement with enthusiastic supporting concurrences from Gorsuch and Thomas.  Jarkesy (finding unconstitutional the SEC's system of administrative adjudication) had all six in agreement, with an enthusiastic supporting concurrence from Gorsuch (joined by Thomas).  And Grants Pass (rejecting an Eighth Amendment challenge to anti-camping ordinances) again had all six in agreement, with an enthusiastic supporting concurrence from Thomas.  (Each case drew a nonoriginalist dissent from the other three Justices).

Notably, the six Justices came together on these originalist-oriented decisions despite some unhelpful precedent.  Loper Bright of course directly overruled Chevron ; Grants Pass avoided Robinson v. California (1962) (on which the dissent relied), and Jarkesy avoided Atlas Roofing Co. v. Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission (1977) (on which the dissent relied).

I conclude from this that Justice Gorsuch was basically right in Rahimi that the originalist-oriented Justices have a core agreement on common principles, and moreover that they find those principles to produce determinate outcomes on important questions.  Rahimi and Elster were truly difficult cases under originalist principles, so it should not be surprising that they led to some intra-originalist disagreement (they also divided originalist commentators).  But that should not have suggested that the Justices would not be able to find common ground in case where originalist principles pointed in a clearer direction.

Finally, with a clear originalist path, the Justices were not troubled by nonorignalist precedents, either those directly on point (Chevron) or those at least arguably pointing to a different path (Robinson and Atlas Roofing). Thus there appears to be a strong judicial consensus on what others have called the gravitational force of originalism.  The challenge that remains for them to work out is what to do when the originalist path is not so clear.

08/21/2024

Neil Siegel on Trump v. Anderson (with my comments)
Michael Ramsey

Neil Siegel (Duke University School of Law) has posted Narrow But Deep: The McCulloch Principle, Collective-Action Theory, and Section Three Enforcement (21 pages) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

In Trump v. Anderson, 144 S. Ct. 662 (2024), the Supreme Court of the United States held that the Colorado Supreme Court erred in excluding President Donald J. Trump from the Republican Party's primary ballot in the state.  The Court reasoned that the Constitution makes Congress, not the states, solely responsible for enforcing Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment.  Scholars of Section 3 have demonstrated that Section 3 is self-executing, so the Court's rationale lacks a sound basis in the original or contemporary meaning of the text of the Civil War Amendments, the original intent of their drafters, or the Court's own precedent interpreting them.  This Essay nonetheless argues that the Court's judgment is justifiable on structural grounds.  As envisioned in McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819), the Constitution's federal structure bars states from enforcing Section 3 against candidates for President or Vice-President, at least if they enjoy substantial support within their own political party.  More than two centuries ago, McCulloch articulated a structural principle that disables states from causing multistate collective-action problems by interfering with a function of the national governing process.  That structural, collective-action principle extends in parallel fashion to actions by states that interfere excessively with a function of the national political process.  The Presidency, along with the Vice-Presidency, is a uniquely national office because all states, and all voters in states, play a role in determining who will run for that office and ultimately occupy it.   Just as "a part" may not tax "the whole" because the whole is not represented in the part, so a part may not make presidential eligibility decisions that significantly undermine the capacity of the whole to determine who will represent it in the White House.  Legal scholars can justly criticize the Court's reasoning in Trump v. Anderson, but not the result that it reached. 

Professor Siegel is an outstanding insightful scholar, but in my view this is not an appropriate originalist approach (if that's what he's trying to do).  Arguments from structure disconnected from text are just arguments about what would be the best structure, not arguments about what structure the framers (for better or worse) actually chose.  I have some thoughts here (pp. 973-974).

On the subject of originalist methodology, here's another recent SSRN post. Nathaniel Shaw Hay (United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit) & Isaac Barnes May (Yale Law School): The Originalist Case for Court Packing (82 pages).  Here is the abstract:

Modern considerations of Supreme Court expansion are invariably mired in partisanship, with supporters justifying it on ideological grounds and opponents condemning it as nakedly partisan and potentially unconstitutional. This Article, however, reframes the debate about Supreme Court reform by uncovering the long-neglected history of the Court’s connection to the circuits, and demonstrating how the understandings and practices dating back to the Founding call for a larger court. In fact, fidelity to the intent of the Founders and longstanding constitutional practice calls for increasing the number of Justices to thirteen or twenty-six. While this conclusion may seem startling, reestablishing the Court-circuit connection would not only conform to the Constitution but would have structural and practical benefits.

From the Founding era until after the Civil War, the judiciary’s structure and function tightly linked the Justices to the federal judiciary and the nation as a whole via the circuit courts. This connection, though largely forgotten today, comprised a bundle of key principles and practices that were unquestioned at the time. These included the principle of parity between the number of Justices and the number of circuits, the practice of circuit riding—whereby each Justice was assigned to and heard cases in a single circuit, and the circuit residency requirement, which mandated that Justices be residents of their assigned circuit. These interrelated elements fostered a grounded and democratically legitimate Court, and they were considered binding and self-evident for the first 140 years of American history. So deeply entrenched was this constitutional framework that even at the height of the Civil War, President Lincoln adhered to it without question. It was not until the late nineteenth century that this link began to erode, culminating in 1929 when Congress abruptly dismantled the Founders’ judicial structure by creating a tenth circuit without appointing a corresponding tenth Justice.

This neglected history is crucial in several respects. First, it demonstrates that increasing the number of Supreme Court justices is not merely consistent with longstanding historical practices, but is in fact demanded by the Founders’ intentions for the judiciary. While court expansion may intuitively seem radical, this Article reveals how those who believe in a historical approach to constitutional understanding should embrace, rather than reject, such expansion. Second, the historical perspective furthermore challenges modern assumptions about the Supreme Court and the judiciary, revealing how drastically different the contemporary system is from what it once was. Neither the Founders nor President Lincoln could have imagined a Supreme Court totally divorced form the circuits, whether in number or operation—yet that is precisely where we find ourselves in the present day. Finally, the history this Article excavates offers a constructive path forward in addressing the modern criticisms of the Court. To this end, this Article advocates for reestablishing the Court’s connection with the circuits—a reform which, despite appearing unconventional, is in fact more constitutionally grounded and politically feasible than many other proposed reforms. At a minimum, this would involve increasing in the number of justices to align with the number of circuits, but ideally it would also entail reviving those longstanding norms and practices that served the Court for so long.

I strongly disagree.  The fact that the first Congress in the Judiciary Act, and subsequent Congresses, thought the circuit-based structure was a good idea suggests that is it constitutionally permissible (I agree that it is).  But it does not at all suggest that it is constitutionally required.  It is not tied to  any constitutional text, even indirectly. Post-ratification practice standing alone does not create a constitutional obligation -- in the same sense that President Washington's decision not to stand for a third term did not create a constitutional obligation even though it established a practice that contemporaries thought carried great weight.

08/20/2024

Substantive Canons and the Gravitational Pull of Originalism
Will Foster

In my prior post, I assumed that interpreting judicial opinions is almost entirely a linguistic endeavor. But as with other legal texts, that isn’t quite true—or at least it doesn’t tell the whole story. Richard Re notes a subtle distinction between (i) “what [an] opinion is best read to say” and (ii) “how the opinion should be read, given an overall view of the law.” When applied by originalists, approach (ii) creates what has been called the gravitational force of originalism. In Justice Kavanaugh’s recent concurrence in Rahimi, which sought to explain his overall approach to constitutional interpretation, Kavanaugh noted that “the text, as well as pre-ratification and post-ratification history, may appropriately function as a gravitational pull on the Court’s interpretation of precedent.” He then cited a statement he made as a judge on the D.C. Circuit, one which I quoted on this blog last year: “We should resolve questions about the scope of those precedents in light of and in the direction of the constitutional text and constitutional history.”

What does it mean to interpret a particular text “in light of and in the direction of” some other factor (in this case, the original meaning of the Constitution)? One could imagine utilizing original meaning merely as a tiebreaker; if there are two equally plausible constructions of a prior precedent dealing with a constitutional issue, a judge or justice should choose the construction closer to the original meaning. (Set aside for now the second-best difficulties inherent in defining what it means to be “closer” to the original meaning.) But such a demanding “ambiguity trigger” is rarely if ever satisfied in the context of statutes, as Justice Kavanaugh has observed. And I see no reason to think the number of true 50-50 tossups is significantly higher when interpreting precedents. So to be doing any real work as a “gravitational pull,” original meaning needs to be acting as more (likely much more) than a mere tiebreaker. It instead must function as a kind of strong-form substantive canon—a heavy thumb on the scale. As Justice Barrett put it, when interpreting statutes, “a strong-form canon counsels a court to strain statutory text to advance a particular value”—meaning that “the better interpretation of a statute will not necessarily prevail.”

To be sure, we do not normally speak of substantive canons, or really any canons, in the context of interpreting judicial precedents. But there does seem to be a rough analogy between statutory substantive canons and the sorts of moves courts make when they interpret prior precedent. Richard Re recognized this in his 2014 article on precedential narrowing; as he put it, “narrowing is the second cousin” of one particular substantive canon, “the canon of constitutional avoidance.” Viewing the “gravitational pull” to which Justice Kavanaugh refers as a kind of substantive canon helps clarify what it means to interpret case law “in light of and in the direction of the constitutional text and constitutional history.”

The problem is that, at least in the statutory context, substantive canons have long been viewed with skepticism by many textualists and originalists (groups that of course overlap substantially). As Michael Rappaport put it in a recent article, “Under an originalist approach, the courts do not have the authority to protect certain values of their own choosing”—much less to do so at the expense of a statute’s text. To be sure, the tension here may well be resolvable, particularly given that many substantive canons have historical pedigrees stretching back to the Founding. (As Eli Nachmany recently observed, at least some thumb-on-the-scale substantive canons appear relatively uncontroversial today, even among the Supreme Court’s textualists.) Nevertheless, the tension remains, and it is why virtually everyone agrees that substantive canons (such as constitutional avoidance and various clear-statement rules) can only be invoked when there are multiple “reasonable,” “possible,” or “fairly possible” readings of a statute. Stated differently, there is a limit to how far the text can be stretched. And when that limit is surpassed, the court is no longer truly interpreting the statute, but instead rewriting it.

Textualists have long recognized, for example, that particularly muscular applications of the constitutional avoidance canon can bleed into outright distortion of the text—in Justice Scalia’s words, “a means of thwarting the clearly expressed intent of the legislature.” It stands to reason that a similar outcome can sometimes occur when the object of interpretation is a judicial opinion. And indeed, justices sometimes explicitly accuse their colleagues of adopting a “strained reading” of controlling precedent instead of “outright admitting that it is irreconcilable” with a correct view of the law. Without expressing a view on any particular case, I will simply observe that the interpretation of judicial precedents tends to involve a certain degree of creativity—one which goes well beyond what would be considered acceptable in interpreting other legal texts. That is not to say reasoning from case law is entirely unconstrained. But the interpretation of precedents often looks something like what Frederick Schauer has called “unoriginal textualism.” As long as there is some way to reconcile an opinion’s “thin” semantic content with one’s argument, that is treated as good enough; the precedent has been followed. But this approach is in stark contrast with how originalists interpret other legal documents, including the Constitution.

One natural explanation for this disparate treatment is that judicial opinions are simply not binding law in the same way as many other legal texts. Judges frequently recognize that “[j]udicial opinions are not statutes; they resolve only the situations presented for decision.” That principle has deep historical roots, as Justice Gorsuch explained in his recent concurrence in Loper Bright. Gorsuch quoted Chief Justice Marshall’s oft-cited remark that “general expressions, in every opinion, are to be taken in connection with the case in which those expressions are used.” And Gorsuch also noted that, as late as the mid-19th century, “a Justice writing the Court’s majority opinion would generally work alone and present his work orally and in summary form to his colleagues at conference, which meant that other Justices often did not even review the opinion prior to publication.” Of course, this practice would have made little sense if the precise wording of the opinion were understood to hold great significance. Thus, Justice Gorsuch explained that “a single judicial opinion may resolve a ‘case or controversy,’ and in so doing it may make ‘effective law’ for the parties, but it does not legislate for the whole of the country and is not to be confused with laws that do.” This view of stare decisis helps explain why originalists who are otherwise skeptical of substantive canons (or at least demand some justification for their use) may be more willing to accept the use of de facto substantive canons—such as the “gravitational pull” of the Constitution’s original meaning—in interpreting a precedent’s text.

Justice Gorsuch provided a similar explanation for the Court’s treatment of precedent in SEC v. Jarkesy. As Michael Showalter observes, the majority in Jarkesy narrowly read prior case law in an apparent effort to “pull its jurisprudence toward original understanding.” While the dissent protested that the majority’s reading of Atlas Roofing was implausibly narrow, Gorsuch responded in his concurrence that the Court’s approach was “neither unusual nor at odds with stare decisis” because “loose language found in a prior judicial opinion” need not be given its “broadest possible construction.” 

To a certain extent, this approach appears uncontroversial. For example, general statements of interpretive methodology—no matter how categorical, and even if they form a core part of an opinion’s reasoning—are typically not considered binding by the Supreme Court. A single precedent doesn’t operate as a sort of field preemption of an entire area of law, but leaves space open for further evolution; a justice can’t close off broad swaths of doctrine by writing a really broad opinion.

Yet if this is how stare decisis is supposed to work, practice has not entirely caught up to principle. Judges and justices of all stripes continue to spill considerable ink parsing specific phrases from case law, in a way that is not so dissimilar from statutory or constitutional interpretation. Perhaps a more consistent and coherent approach to precedent would be to dispense with this sort of close textual analysis altogether. Such an approach would not be unheard of. At the time of the Founding, the binding “holding was deduced by reasoning from the facts and the outcome of the case rather than by analysis of the text.” (It could hardly have been otherwise; in prominent early Supreme Court cases like Chisholm v. Georgia, “opinions were delivered seriatim and orally, sometimes without a prepared text or notes.”) But that approach comes with dangers of its own, and I am not aware of any modern justice that has advocated a wholesale return to that old model, which would likely leave considerable open space to be filled by original meaning. (The more narrowly one views the scope of precedent, the more discretion is left available to apply one’s first-order views of the law.)

For now, as discussed above, I think the best way to understand the role of originalism’s “gravitational pull” is to see it as a very strong substantive canon. The original meaning of the Constitution cannot be used to override the clear and specific teachings of precedent unless the precedent is formally overruled. But any hint of ambiguity in a prior opinion—however slight—is enough to open the door to application of what might be called the “gravitational force canon.” And make no mistake: the ambiguity trigger is set much lower here (and thus is much easier to satisfy) than in the case of statutes, with even seemingly crystal-clear language in a judicial opinion being poked and prodded for any flicker of uncertainty or distinguishability.

As with ambiguity-dependent substantive canons used in interpreting statutes, the threshold clarity determination does a lot of work: The extent to which a precedent clearly resolves a particular matter turns on how one defines what is sufficiently “clear.” And the line between narrowly reading (or declining to extend) precedent and flat-out disobeying it is often in the eye of the beholder. (Think of Justice Alito’s pithy admonition in his dissent in Carpenter v. United States that “applying a categorical rule categorically does not ‘extend’ precedent.”) So while it is easy to say that precedent should be interpreted “in light of” original meaning, it is much harder to articulate precisely what that means in practice. The real question is not whether originalism exerts a gravitational force, but how powerful that force is.

08/19/2024

Seth Barrett Tillman on Constitutional Remedies
Michael Ramsey

At New Reform Club, Seth Barrett Tillman: A Year’s Changes to the Intellectual Landscape Governing Federal Litigation. A series of commentary leading up to the Supreme Court's decision in DeVillier v. Texas, 601 U.S. 285, 291 (Apr. 16, 2024) (Thomas, J., for a unanimous Court), in which the Court stated:

 Constitutional rights do not typically come with a built in cause of action to allow for private enforcement in courts. See Egbert v. Boule, 596 U. S. 482, 490–491 (2022). Instead, constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose, see, e.g., 42 U. S. C. §1983.

Professor Tillman comments:

All this happened in a span of about seven months. I find it striking that the DeVillier Court put forward its position absent any prior Supreme Court authority, other judicial authority, or, even, any scholarly authority. Is it possible that the unanimous Court believed its position entirely obvious?